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                  <text>Coming to America</text>
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              <text>The two chidden, probably no more than 10 years old, seem to be Irish dancers. The pose in costume, in position to perform. The photographer has provided an elaborate painted backdrop of the interior of a rustic cottage to evoke old Ireland, complete with a jug on the floor. This suggests some serious planning, and expense, for this portrait, and these two may have been professional sibling performers. The boy’s costume is particularly distinctive, with a stylized top hat, swallow-tailed jacket, knee breeches, and a shillalagh.</text>
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                <text>Figure 3</text>
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                <text>Jason L. Warner (New York, New York)</text>
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                <text>1860s</text>
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                <text>Gregory Fried Collection</text>
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                <text>A White Slave Girl: “Mulatto Raised by Charles Sumner”</text>
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                <text>A nar­ra­tive of dis­cov­ery about one of the first pho­tographs used to pro­mote the abo­li­tion­ist cause.</text>
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                <text>Joan Gage</text>
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                <text>A nar­ra­tive of dis­cov­ery about one of the first pho­tographs used to pro­mote the abo­li­tion­ist cause.</text>
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              <text>carte de visite: albumen print</text>
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              <text>cdv standard, mounted in album page</text>
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              <text>Inscribed in period pen on reverse of this carte de visite (circa 1864) is the name “James M. Trotter.” Also inscribed, in period pen on the album page: “James M. Trotter Sergeant 55th Mass.” See image below. 

There is a printed stamp on the reverse of card, which reads: “Whipple, 297 Washington Street, Boston.” Also present on reverse of card is a 3-cent tax stamp signed in pen “JAW” (John A. Whipple). See below for the back of the card. 

We can date the image to the period of August 1864 to August of 1866 because the US government required the use of these stamps during that time for the collection of revenue to support the war. 

According to his enlistment papers (Greg French collection), James Monroe Trotter enlisted on June 11, 1863 and was mustered into company K of the 55th Massachusetts Infantry on June 23, 1863 as a 1st Sergeant. The 55th, like the more famous 54th, was designated as a Colored regiment. Trotter was promoted to Sergeant Major on Nov. 19, 1863 and to 2nd Lieutenant on April 10, 1864. 

In the photograph, Trotter wears the uniform and officer’s shoulder straps of a 2nd Lieutenant. The image is remarkable for the rarity of African Americans serving as officers in the Union armies, and the even greater rarity of this being documented in a photograph. 

Trotter was born February 7, 1842 and died Feb. 26, 1892 in Hyde Park, Massachusetts. According to the muster rolls, he was born in Grand Gulf, Mississippi, and enrolled in the Union army in Readville, Massachusetts. His profession is listed as school teacher. He was wounded at the battle of Honey Hill on Nov. 30, 1864. An interesting feature of his enlistment papers is the following remark: “Letters to be directed to Robert Thomas, Parlersburg, Wood Co., Virginia (guardian).” 

This image reportedly came from the personal album of the French nobleman, the Count de Gasparin, who was sympathetic to the abolitionist cause. 

James A. Whipple was one of Boston’s leading photographers from 1845 to 1874.</text>
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              <text>There is much that is remarkable about James M. Trotter. Born into slavery, he was one of the first Americans of African descent to attain rank as an officer in the United States army, having fought in the Civil War. He went on to have a career as an author, civil rights advocate, and a public servant. His son, William Monroe Trotter (1872-1934), became an important newspaperman in Boston and a civil rights champion in his own right, helping to found the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People with W.E.B. Du Bois in 1909. An elementary school in Boston, the Trotter Innovation School, is named after William Trotter. 

The Mirror of Race has published an essay by Erina Duganne on the topic of "Black Civil War Por­trai­ture in Con­text". We are hoping to publish other essays on topics relating to African Americans fighting for their civil rights, and how that struggle has been reflected in photography.</text>
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                <text>John A. Whipple (American, 1823-1891)</text>
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                <text>1864-1866</text>
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                <text>Greg French Collection</text>
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              <text>Daguerreotype</text>
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              <text>John Jabez Edwin Mayall operated a studio in Philadelphia in the 1840s, until he moved permanently to London in 1846. This portrait is probably from his last years in Philadelphia, around 1845 or 1846. It can be identified as a Mayall by the distinctive inlaid, octagonal table, which he employed as a studio prop in Philadelphia. Mayall used this table in a portrait of Albert Sands Southworth, the partner of Josiah Johnsohn Hawes, who together operated the famed Southworth and Hawes photography studio in Boston, MA. That image may be seen in Sotheby’s April 27, 1999 auction catalogue, The David Feigenbaum Collection of Southworth &amp; Hawes and Other 19th-Century Photographs, sale 7295 (New York: Sotheby’s, 1999), p. 46.

Mayall was a highly skilled photographer, with a good eye for light and composition; he exhibited at the London Fair in 1851. In London, he quickly became a popular photographer among the aristocracy and upper classes. An example is this portrait below of Lord Brougham (1778-1868), a British nobleman and politician who was an early and vigorous advocate for eradication of the slave trade and the abolition of slavery in the British empire. Notice the announcement at the bottom of the back of the card: “All Mr. Mayall’s productions are published by Marion &amp; Co., 22 &amp; 23 Soho Square, London W”; Mayall sold prints of such famous people to the public. Mayall’s success as a portraitist to the upper echelons of British society won him an invitation to take portraits of Queen Victoria and the royal family. He subsequently made a considerable fortune mass-marketing these portraits, such as this one of Queen Victoria’s daughter, Princess Beatrice (1857-1944). 
J. J. E. Mayall, Henry Brougham, 1st Baron Brougham and Vaux, carte-de-visite, front and reverse (circa 1868), Gregory Fried collection. J. J. E. Mayall, H.R.H. The Princess Beatrice,” carte-de-visite, front and reverse (circa 1862), Gregory Fried collection.</text>
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              <text>What constitutes “whiteness”? John Jabez Edwin Mayall was one of the most technically and artistically accomplished of the early photographers. His portraits would have commanded high prices, and the two young women posed here, who look alike enough to be sisters, come from the upper class of Philadelphia society. We can see this in the expensive clothes they wear, their elaborately curled hair, and in their jewelry ― the young woman on the left holds a pencil on a long gold chain.

But wealth alone is not enough to mark whiteness. Is whiteness marked by skin tone or facial features or style of hair? Or does it also involve more subtle social cues? Whiteness in mid-19th century America was a virtually indispensible qualification for access to the higher reaches of society. Where do we see this in what is an otherwise normal portrait? Does the whiteness of these young woman lie also in their self-possession, the ease of their unusually relaxed and intimate portrait, in which they casually lock arms, one of them smiling gently at us? It is a portrait like this that reminds us that most early photography was made for the clients closest friends and family. What characteristics did this one seek to convey, and to what extent can we read the privileges and power of whiteness even in such an image? Consider that Mayall was successful enough to become an official photographer of Queen Victoria in England. Mayall produced carte-de-visite portraits of the queen and her family for sale to the public, such as the one below of the queen and the children morning her husband and their father, Prince Albert (1819-1861).

royalfamilymed 
J.J.E. Mayall, The Royal Family Mourning Prince Albert, carte de visite (circa 1862), collection of Gregory Fried

The royal family was one of the touchstones for what it meant to be white in that time. What qualities would Mayall have had to be able to convey in his portraiture to have this degree of success, and how do these features differ from the photographs of people excluded from the category of white?</text>
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                <text>circa 1846</text>
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              <text>The caption on this photograph reads in part: “ISAAC and ROSA, Emancipated slave Children, from the Free Schools of Louisiana. Photographed by Kimball, 477 Broadway, N. Y. Ent’d accord’g to act of Congress in the year 1863...”Printed text on the back of the card reads: “The proceeds from the sale of these Photographs will be devoted exclusively to the education of colored people in the Department of the Gulf, now under the command of Major-General Banks.” 

This portrait forms part of a series of portraits of a group of former slaves who toured in the North during the Civil War. They were photographed and featured in newspaper articles to bolster support for the war and to raise funds for schools and other support for emancipated slaves.</text>
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              <text>This image, as well as the others in the series of photographs of emancipated slaves who toured the North during the Civil War, raise questions about the use of photography as a means of persuasion. These images are a very early example of photography employed as propaganda. As prints from glass plate negatives, they could be reproduced and distributed widely. But what role did the subjects of these portraits play in this process? Did they choose freely to engage in it, or was this a new form of exploitation? What about the use of children? Did they participate willingly in the long studio sessions? Were they paid? Furthermore, the photographs often employ children who look very white, some of whom could certainly pass for white. Several of the captions explicitly refer to this. Were the makers trying to shock the Northern audience and get them to see the arbitrariness of the color line, or was this a further form of exploitation, using the viewers' identification with their own whiteness to sympathize with the subjects of the photographs? 

For essays that address these and related themes on the Mirror of Race website, see "'As White as their Masters': Visualizing the Color Line", by Carol Goodman and "A White Slave Girl: "Mulatto Raised by Charles Sumner'", by Joan Gage.</text>
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              <text>This photograph shows Wilson Chinn, a former enslaved person, displaying implements of bondage and punishment used against slaves such as he had been. The image is one of a series of photographs produced in 1863 to lend moral support to the Union cause in the Civil War and to raise funds for schools for African Americans in the occupied Confederate territories. Chinn and seven other former slaves, both adults and children, came north for a publicity tour, accompanied by an officer from one of the newly formed regiments of African American soldiers. 

Chinn had been enslaved to a man named Volsey B. Marmillion, who ran a sugar plantation near New Orleans. Marmillion had the habit of branding his slaves with his initials, VBM, and this can be seen on Chinn’s forehead here ― the brand is retouched on the photography’s negatives, as it must have been hard to see (click on the image to the left for a close-up). The spiked collar would prevent a person from lying down, the leg iron would prevent running, and the perforated paddle on the floor was for beatings. 

The caption of this photograph reads in part: “Wilson Chinn, a branded slave from Louisiana; also exhibiting instruments of torture used to punish slaves. Photographed by Kimball, 477 Broadway, N. Y. Ent’d accord’g to act of Congress in the year 1863...” 

Text printed on the reverse of the card reads: “The proceeds from the sale of these Photographs will be devoted exclusively to the education of colored people in the Department of the Gulf, now under the command of Major-General Banks.” The back is also stamped: “All Orders Must Be Addressed to H. N. Bent, 1 Mercer St., N. Y.” See the enlarged illustration below.</text>
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              <text>The series of photographs of emancipated slaves to which this one of Wilson Chinn belongs (see here for more in the series) constitutes one of the first times that mass-produced photography was used as propaganda in a campaign for a political goal. 

Is it fair to ask if Chinn and the other former slaves, including five children, were once again being exploited by this posing of them for the camera? Or is it more likely that having endured and escaped slavery, they were perfectly willing to lend their visible forms to this publicity campaign? If so, these photographs would embody their agency as an expression of their new-found freedom. 

So then would it be right to call this photograph a portrait of Wilson Chinn, in the way it is hard to call portraits the daguerreotypes of Delia, forced into the photographer’s studio to serve as an illustration for a scientific theory, or the unnamed Richards family slave? They both had no agency in how they appeared for the camera, and a “portrait” usually implies the person portrayed has some choice in how she or he is to be portrayed. Yet we also speak of “taking” someone’s portrait, and so there is a sense that we might capture the essence of a person without their knowing or against their will, as often happens in photojournalism. 

Would Chinn or the other emancipated slaves from New Orleans freely choose to show themselves in this way, for example in chains, as we see Chinn, if they wanted to make a portrait of themselves? Or would Chinn, like Frederick Douglass telling the story of his slavery and freedom, understand this kind of portrayal as what would in fact best tell the story of who he was and hoped to be?</text>
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            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
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                <text>Martin A. Berger</text>
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</itemContainer>
